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iotherapists indicated that they preferred injured athletes who had a balanced self-presentational style, characterized as self-reliant and open with the therapists about their distress, rather than athletes who conveyed the impression of being cool and unaffected, withdrawn, or negative and pessimistic The issue of athletes self-presentational styles and their consequences is an intriguing matter that would benefit from further exploration Self-presentational styles could have a profound impact on how athletes interact with other personnel, such as sport psychologists and coaches, and the assistance and support derived from these sources With regard to research conducted in exercise contexts, first-generation studies have examined the importance that people place on self-presentational reasons for exercise and have shown that impression motivation and construction function as both incentives and disincentives for physical activity.

We note that the assumption of a constant signature eld over a space time cell is at best an approximation in practice due to several factors, including variations in terrain, foliage, temperature gradients, and the nonisotropic nature of the source signal However, such an approximation can be judiciously applied in some scenarios for the purpose of reducing intrasensor communication, as well to improve algorithm performance against noise 14423 Single-Target Tracking One of the key premises behind the networking algorithms being developed at Wisconsin [2] is that routing of information in a sensor network should be geographic-centric rather than node-centric In other words, from the viewpoint of information routing, the geographic locations of the nodes are the critical quantities rather than their arbitrary identities.

For example, the desire to convey the impression of being physically attractive or a person with an active lifestyle can motivate people to exercise regularly Conversely, the desire to avoid making negative impressions, such as being out of shape or uncoordinated, can deter exercise (Martin, Leary, & O Brien, 2001) Preliminary data suggest cross-cultural differences in the strength of these motives One study found that American students were more likely than Irish students to exercise for selfpresentational reasons (Martin Ginis, O Brien, & Watson, 2003) Furthermore, the strength of self-presentational exercise motives are related to trait levels of impression motivation and monitoring People who score high on measures of public self-consciousness, self-monitoring, and fear of negative evaluation are more likely to exercise or avoid exercise for self-presentational reasons than people who score low on these indices (Martin et al, 2001).

Trait levels of impression motivation have also been shown to predict future intentions to exercise when considered in conjunction with social pressure to exercise (Latimer & Martin Ginis, 2005) Specifically, in a secondgeneration study couched within the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985), fear of negative evaluation moderated the relationship between subjective norms and intentions People with high fear of negative evaluation showed a significant positive relationship between subjective norms and intentions, whereas those with low fears showed no relationship between the constructs These findings suggest that people who are highly fearful of negative evaluations are more likely to base their intentions to exercise on what they think other people want them to do (ie, subjective norms) than those people who are not as concerned with what others think..

category inclusiveness that will be primary in a given situation Although perceiving people in terms of a social category is easiest and most common in forming impressions, particularly during bitter intergroup con ict, appropriate goals, motivation, and effort can produce more individuated impressions of others (Brewer, 1988; Fiske et al, 1999) This malleability of the level at which impressions are formed from broad to more speci c categories to individuated responses is important because of its implications for altering the way people think about members of other groups, and consequently about the nature of intergroup relations Although functional and social categorization theories of intergroup con ict and social harmony suggest different psychological mechanisms, these approaches may offer complementary rather than necessarily competing explanations For instance, realistic threats and symbolic threats re ect different hypothesized causes of discrimination, but they can operate jointly to motivate discriminatory behavior W.

Stephan and his colleagues (Stephan, Diaz-Loving, & Duran, 2000; Stephan & Stephan, 2000; Stephan, Ybarra, Martinez, Schwarzwald, & Tur-Kaspa, 1998) have found that personal negative stereotypes, realistic group threat, and symbolic group threat all predict discrimination against other groups (eg, immigrants), and each accounts for a unique portion of the effect In addition, personal-level biases and collective biases may also have separate and additive in uences Bobo and his colleagues (see Bobo, 1999) have demonstrated that group threat and personal prejudice can contribute independently to discrimination against other groups The independence of these effects points to the importance of considering each of these perspectives for a comprehensive understanding of social con ict and integration, while at the same time reinforcing the theoretical distinctions among the hypothesized underlying mechanisms.